When on this (14th April 2013) anniversary of Dr. Bhimrao Babasaheb Ambedkar, we pay tribute to his yeomen services towards the cause of social justice and bringing to fore the values of democracy; we also need to think as to how his dream and vision of annihilation of caste can be taken further. Where do we stand in this direction six decades after the
Independence and after the
formal implementation of Constitution of India, which gives us the values of Liberty, Equality and
Caste has been the major marker of Indian, particularly Hindu, society. While world over the serfs were under the bondage of feudal lords, we had religiously ordained system of Varna-Jati (Caste). Many theories of caste prevail, the racial theory, superior Aryans versus the natives, now stands debunked. The hypothesis of Morton Klass argues that it was a way of adjusting of tribal to the system of production, which generated surplus. This understanding indicates towards the understanding that caste evolved with the particular system of production in
looks at origin of caste as being due to the continuous process of fusing of
tribal into general society. The major contribution to the understanding of
genesis of caste comes from Ambedkar as per whom caste-varna came into being
due to ideological-religious factors. According to him caste system came into
being as the result of ideologies of Dharmshatras, which was part of
In Indian society the interesting point is that caste is prevalent not only amongst Hindus, it also prevails in other religious communities. The difference being that amongst Hindus, the caste is prescribed in the holy books, while in other religious communities; it is a social phenomenon, like Ashraf, Ajlaf and Arzal amongst Muslims and different denominations amongst Christians and Sikhs. The first challenge to caste system came from Lord Gautam Buddha, who talked of Samta, equality. This concept of Samta, equality became very popular and was accepted by large number of people till Buddhism was attacked and wiped out from
India in eighth
century by those who wanted to restore the varna-caste. During medieval period
the Bhakti saints in particular talked against and questioned the system of
graded inequality, but their voice though a powerful articulation of the plight
of the low caste, remained just an expression of pain and sorrow of the poor,
and was strongly opposed by Brahmin clergy.
The rule of Muslim Kings and British did not change the social structure of the subcontinent, though during British rule due to the industrialization and introduction of modern education, the caste system started being questioned, opposed and socially challenged. The edifice of caste started loosening up. During the rule of Muslim kings the social structure remained intact. With the British rule the half way process of industrialization and modern education came in. At the same time the caste-varna also continued on the side, though its legitimacy started being questioned in a more serious way. In the changed situation starting form Jotirao Phule the movements for caste abolition found grounding in society, though they were not able to uproot the phenomenon of caste in the full measures as the feudal production system ran side by side with the process of modernization. The process of secularization, abolition of the hold of landlord and clergy, remained incomplete and so the process of caste transformation remained half way through.
All the struggles started by Ambedkar aimed for social justice, social equality and democratic values. He led the movements like Chavdar Talab, for right to have access to public drinking water, Kalaram Mandir, right to enter temples and also the burning of Manusmriti, as symbolic of the rejection of religiously ordained caste hierarchy. The resistance to these led to his conclusion that he had to leave the Hindu fold, which is dominated by Brahmanical values of
Varna. The social political base to his
movements was provided by the national movement, which was aspiring for
throwing away the British colonial power and also struggling for democratic
values. Here Ambedkar rook off from this movement, but the national movement
was not adequate to give him total social justice as this movement also had
upper castes in good measure. So here we see the dilemma of Mahatma Gandhi
versus Ambedkar. Gandhi was not able to go beyond the limits posed by the
participation of all castes in freedom movement. He kept talking of varna system in a more
refined form while taking up cudgels against untouchability.
Gandhi also opposed the separate electorate, provided by communal award of MacDonald in 1932. The
Poona pact between Gandhi
and Ambedkar led to the reserved Constituency and the provisions of
reservations for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Ambedkar’s vision was
that reservations and inter-caste marriages will be steps towards annihilation
of caste. Today both these face serious obstacles on social ground. The
rigidity of caste is increasing and inter-caste marriage is facing serious
obstacles from conservative forces. While freedom movement led by Gandhi was
half way conceding to the needs of dalits, the other ideology, the one of
religious nationalism was waiting in the wings with the concept of Hindu
Rashtra, Hindu nation. Ambedkar did realize that acceptance of religious
nationalism, formation of Pakistan
on that ground will be a disaster for dalits as it will pave the way for Hindu
Rashtra, the slavery of dalits. Today while most of the commentators are
attacking Gandhi, they need to focus more attention to the impact of the
politics and ideology of Hindu religious nationalism, which is a major obstacle
to caste abolition today.
The reservations for dalits led to newer caste equations. On one hand the section of rising middle class stood to oppose these reservations, tooth and nail. The anti reservation violence has been witnessed in the
Gujarat in particular in
1980s. Also since the overall development process is not accommodative of all,
the inner competition for reservation has led to a strange situation where
different communities are vying for status as a particular reserved category.
The overall future for the youth is dismal and it gets reflected in the form of
movements for particular castes getting recognized in this or that category.
The other major obstacle to caste transformation is the politics of Hindutva.
On one hand it talks of Samajik Samrasta (social Harmony), that all castes
should have harmony amongst them. The Hindutva’s concept of ‘Integral Humanism’
emphasizes on different castes continuing their professions for smooth social
functioning. The social engineering by religious political forces is co-opting
the low caste through various mechanisms, to the extent of using them as foot
soldiers of their anti minority violence. A section of dalits also is
influenced by the process of Sanskritization, aping at upper caste and
imitating them for their future trajectory. As a logical corollary; the
cultural mechanisms, the TV serials, the preaching’s of hoards of God men are
promoting the values of Manusmiriti in a more sophisticated form.
At the same time a serious layer of progressive and dalit intellectuals are trying to restore the core values and principles of struggles against caste-varna. The situation today is very complex and caste as a social phenomenon is far from extinct. Today’s political scenario is a conflict between the values of democracy on one hand, and the values of religious nationalism; the politics representing the defense of caste and gender hierarchy; on the other. The process of social equality; caste annihilation and values of democracy need to be brought in through a fresh series of multilayered struggles for a truly democratic society. That alone will be a tribute to the life and work of the legend of this great visionary, Bhimrao Babsaheb Ambedkar.